Imperialism

D. Moellendorf , in Encyclopedia of Practical Ethics (2d Edition), 2012

Introduction

Economical imperialism is minimally defined as the export of capital from one country to some other. Difficulties in arriving at a more than substantive general definition than this are considerable because the very significant of the term is in peachy measure dependent upon the item theoretical framework in which it is employed. All of the frameworks at least wait at the causes and consequences of the export of capital, although they differ in what they view these to exist. Because of these differences in purported causes and consequences, a more substantive general definition seems impossible. Furthermore, while theorists of imperialism unremarkably wish to show that political imperialism serves economic imperialism, accounts of the sometime also vary. This has implications for a moral account of imperialism. A general account of the morality of imperialism of necessity will be insensitive to some of the particularities (causes and consequences) of the chief empirical theories.

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Imperialism

David A. Lake , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Abstract

Imperialism is a form of international hierarchy in which one political community finer governs or controls some other political community. It is one of the oldest known political institutions, characterizing relations between peoples in ancient Mesopotamia, Red china, and Rome through modern Europe. It includes dominion both within relatively face-to-face areas and overseas colonies. Major explanations for imperialism include metrocentric theories, which focus on the internal characteristics of regal states; pericentric theories, which emphasize conditions within the colonial polities; systemic theories, which highlight competition between the groovy powers; and relational contracting theories, which explain imperialism by contrast with other possible institutions.

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Imperialism, History of

H.L. Wesseling , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

one Introduction: The Problem of a Definition

'Imperialism is non a word for scholars,' Sir Keith Hancock remarked a long time ago, and he was right (see Wesseling 1997, p. 74). Scholars have to brand clear what they hateful when they apply certain concepts or terms, and therefore have to give definitions. This, however, is impossible with the word 'imperialism.' The problem is not that there are no definitions of imperialism, rather the reverse. At that place are about as many definitions of imperialism as there are authors who accept written on the subject field. They vary from those that refer to one specific form of imperialism, mostly Europe's nineteenth century colonial expansion, to others which give a very general meaning to the word, such as the one in Webster's Dictionary: 'any extension of power or authority or an advocacy of such extension.' Conspicuously, such a definition tin can encompass almost any situation. Not surprisingly therefore, the give-and-take has oftentimes simply been used equally an invective in guild to criticize the policy of another country.

So defined, imperialism is useless as a scholarly concept. However, in serious studies, the word has e'er had a more express meaning. The problem is exactly how limited its meaning should be. Sometimes the word is used in a universal historical way in guild to narrate the politics of a dominant power. Thus, some historians have spoken of Roman or even Assyrian imperialism, but this is highly exceptional. In historical studies, imperialism generally refers to the policy of European countries, and primarily of the UK during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, aiming at the expansion of their power and influence over other continents. It is in this context that the term imperialism originated and began to exist used every bit a political and historical concept. Historically speaking, the word imperialism is therefore obviously closely associated with colonialism. While colonialism was simply used to refer to one specific class of alien rule, namely the colonial one, imperialism acquired a wider meaning and included various other forms of influence over alien nations and states. For example, the financial influence of France and Germany in the Russian and Ottoman Empires, or such things equally British 'gunboat policy' and American 'dollar affairs.'

After the end of the colonial empires the discussion 'colonialism' could just be used to refer to a phenomenon from the by and thus fell out of utilize. 'Imperialism' withal continued to be used, and from so on also indicated those forms of domination that were formally different from, merely factually comparable to, those formerly practiced by the colonial powers. For a while the discussion 'neocolonialism' was also used for this purpose, just somehow that term was less successful. By the end of the 2d World State of war, America had go the new superpower. Accordingly, imperialism was now mainly practical to draw the strange policy of the Us vis-à-vis other countries, in item in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. In that location was also an attempt to make the concept applicable to the policy of the Soviet Wedlock with regard to the Key and Eastern European countries that came under its influence later on 1945 (Seton-Watson 1961), but this was non very successful. The reason for this is that historically speaking, imperialism has connotations with capitalism and not with communism, and with overseas possessions, and not with adjacent countries. Although there clearly was a Soviet Empire, it was not considered to exist an example of imperialism just of traditional power politics. Only in its very general meaning as another give-and-take for all forms of ability policies or merely as an invective, was it also used to draw communist countries such as the Soviet Union and China. After the finish of the Cold War this use of the word imperialism lost much of its earlier attraction.

In this article imperialism is used in the sense of its initial pregnant, that is to say as a term to indicate the extension of formal or informal, mostly European, rule over Asian and African countries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries likewise as, more than more often than not, for another forms of Western predominance during and after the colonial period.

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Conflict Analysis

Dierk Walter , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Disharmonize (Third Edition), 2022

Violence

Imperialism is relationship of dominance and power. Therefore information technology cannot exercise without at least the threat of violence. Colonial dominion over indigenous populations relied to a large degree on open violence, ranging from corporal penalisation to the so-called punitive expeditions to total-scale war. Even more than, however, colonial rule over indigenous populations was based on structural violence in the context of the rapid transformation of economy and society in favor of European interests. In borderland areas, individual violence dominated the expansion. Basically, the application of violence distinguishes imperialism from "peaceful" merchandise relations; information technology enters the scene along with political actions. Farthermost forms of violence in the context of imperialism were slavery and massacres which contempo enquiry has increasingly described as genocide.

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Leadership, Ethics of

R.N. Kanungo , M. Mendonca , in Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics (Second Edition), 2012

Economical imperialism

Economic imperialism demands that money and material possession exist the primary yardstick to mensurate success and failure in every sphere of human life and, therefore, be valued more than everything else in society. In a gratis and competitive economic surroundings, to be selfish is regarded as a virtuous act. The concept of enlightened self-involvement, which underlies Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian moral philosophy, provides the ideological justification for the notion of economic imperialism. The acceptance of economic imperialism as a societal norm has encouraged the cult of self-worship.

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Imperialism, History of

Simon C. Smith , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (2d Edition), 2015

Introduction: The Problem of a Definition

"Imperialism is non a word for scholars", Sir Keith Hancock remarked a long fourth dimension ago, and he was right (encounter Wesseling, 1997: p. 74). More recently, Bernard Porter has written that "'Imperialism' is a much vaguer term than 'the empire'. Its extent and limit are less definite, and for that reason open to interpretation and dispute" (Porter, 2012: p. 4). Scholars have to brand clear what they mean when they use sure concepts or terms, and therefore have to provide definitions. This, withal, is problematic with the word 'imperialism'. The difficulty is non that in that location is no unmarried definition of imperialism. Rather, there are most as many definitions of imperialism as at that place are authors who accept written on the subject. They vary from those that refer to i specific form of imperialism, generally Europe's nineteenth-century colonial expansion, to others that requite a very general meaning to the discussion, such equally the 1 in Webster'due south Dictionary: 'any extension of power or authority or an advancement of such extension'. Clearly, such a definition can cover almost whatever situation involving a stronger and a weaker power. Not surprisingly, therefore, the word has oft merely been used pejoratively in club to criticize the policy of another country. With some justification, P.J. Marshall has noted: "'imperialism' has tended to become a term of abuse for any supposed domination which the speaker happens to dislike" (Marshall, 1982: p. 49).

Used in this context, the term imperialism is of lilliputian scholarly value. All the same, in academic studies, the word has always had a more limited meaning. The problem is exactly how limited its meaning should exist. Sometimes the give-and-take is used in a universal historical way in social club to narrate the politics of a dominant ability. Thus, some historians accept spoken of Roman or fifty-fifty Assyrian imperialism, but this is highly exceptional. John Darwin has succinctly defined imperialism as the "sustained effort to digest a country or region to the political, economic or cultural system of another power" (Darwin, 1997: p. 614). In historical studies, imperialism generally refers to the policy of European countries, and primarily of Britain during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, aiming at the expansion of their power and influence over other continents. Information technology is in this context that the term imperialism originated and began to be used equally a political and historical concept. Historically speaking, the discussion imperialism is therefore obviously closely associated with colonialism. While colonialism was only used to refer to one specific form of conflicting dominion, namely, the colonial one, imperialism acquired a wider significant and included diverse other forms of influence over alien nations and states, for instance, the financial influence of France and Germany in the Russian and Ottoman Empires, or such ideas equally British 'gunboat policy' and American 'dollar diplomacy'.

Afterward the end of the colonial empires, the word 'colonialism' could only be used to refer to a phenomenon from the past and thus began to autumn out of use. 'Imperialism', however, continued to be used, and from and then on also indicated those forms of domination that were formally different from, merely factually comparable to, those formerly practiced by the colonial powers. For a while, the discussion 'neocolonialism' was also used for this purpose, but somehow this term was less successful. By the end of the Second World War, America had become the new superpower. Accordingly, imperialism was now mainly applied to describe the strange policy of the Usa vis-à-vis other countries, in detail in Latin America, Asia, and Africa (Ferguson, 2005). In that location was too an attempt to make the concept applicable to the policy of the Soviet Union with regard to the Cardinal and Eastern European countries that came under its influence after 1945 (Seton-Watson, 1961), but this was not very successful. The reason for this is that historically speaking, imperialism has connotations with commercialism and not with communism, and with overseas possessions, and not with adjacent countries. Although there clearly was a Soviet Empire, it was not considered to exist an instance of imperialism just of traditional power politics. Merely in its very general pregnant every bit some other discussion for all forms of power politics or but as an invective, was it also used to describe communist countries such as the Soviet Union and People's republic of china. After the end of the Cold War, this utilise of the word imperialism lost much of its before attraction.

In this commodity, imperialism is used in the sense of its initial meaning, that is to say as a term to indicate the extension of formal or breezy, by and large European, rule over Asian and African countries in the belatedly nineteenth and early twentieth centuries too as, more generally, for another forms of Western predominance during and after the colonial period.

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Media Imperialism

Annabelle Sreberny , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

Abstruse

Media imperialism was a key critical interpretive paradigm in international advice in the 1960s. It prompted a considerable trunk of empirical research and was used in support of fundamental policy concerns such equally the New Globe Information and Communication Lodge. Nevertheless as the transnational media environment develops, the paradigm is increasingly criticized from a number of vantage points: from historical process and furnishings, from production and flow, from audiences and effects, from genre, from media policy and regulation. As media industries around the world come of age and as globalization processes spread, including massive movements of people equally well as of images, 'media imperialism' is of diminishing use in understanding contemporary cultural processes, although its underlying concern about the hegemony of Western, primarily Usa, cultural domination remains a live business organization.

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Colonialism and Imperialism

Dierk Walter , in Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (2nd Edition), 2008

Protagonists

Imperialism was not always primarily a matter of metropolitan governments. People of different social groups and professions acted as protagonists of expansion, with the majority of them not in the urban center but on the colonial spot (for i example, meet Tabular array ane ). The scope of their activity depended on their position inside the imperial system.

Table ane. British royal expansion, 1783–1815

Period Expanse Protagonists Government involvement Aim/Result
1807–10 Brazil Government Decision, affairs Breezy empire
1804–21 Canada'southward northwest Chartered companies Assistance, mediation Penetration, bases
1795/1806 Greatcoat Colony and Ceylon Government soldiers Decision, military Conquest
1793–1810 Caribbean area islands Regime Decision, military Conquest
1787–93 Prc Merchants Diplomacy Penetration (failed)
1798–1801 Arab republic of egypt Authorities Decision, military Expelling the French
1793–1815 India Officials, soldiers Attempt to restrain Conquest
1788–1814 Interior of W Africa Scientists Assistance Penetration (failed)
1809–10 Republic of mauritius Officials Agreement Conquest
1787–1808 Sierra Leone Chartered company none Freed slave settlement
1787–1811 Southeast Asia Merchants, officials Diplomacy, military Penetration/conquest
1806–25 Castilian America Merchants, politicians Decision, war machine Informal empire

Land officials (viceroys, governors, administrators of all kinds) in existing colonies often had a key interest in further expansion, which would earn them promotion, merits, popularity, and often immediate material gain likewise. Prior to the availability of modern means of communication, the higher ranking of them especially had to be vested with vast powers and the right to practise them without first asking for permission. Thus continuous expansive processes were sometimes completely initiated on the spot past successive governors (early Spanish America, British India). Lower-ranking officials had to rely on more subtle means of carrying through their plans, for example, exerting influence on their superiors, warranted past more intimate knowledge of state and people.

Soldiers (high-ranking army and navy officers) were not but the instruments of conquests or of acts of gunboat affairs ordered by the dwelling house or colonial government. Instead, by exceeding their authority they oftentimes used their forces for the conquest of territory, eventually justifying this every bit peacemaking or peacekeeping. Whether they could get away with that depended on the structure of the armed forces and the colony, and, increasingly in modern states, on whether the public would appreciate their (successful) action. If so, this would even protect them from existence court-martialed. The goals in military machine expansion were glory, merits, promotion, and immediate textile gain – pillage.

From the beginning merchants were among the most important protagonists of expansion. The initial aim of European expansion was to expand trade, fifty-fifty prior to conquest, and consequently merchants were ofttimes the commencement to explore an overseas territory and open it for trade. During about of the European expansion the flag followed the merchandise – merchants only turned to their regime for protection when they felt an urgent need to do and then. All the same, considering they lacked official authority besides as military force, they rarely had the means to bear out expansion on their own, and had to rely on exerting influence on political or military institutions. On the other manus, merchants' interests were often used by (colonial) governments every bit a pretext to justify expansion.

Chartered companies, composed of many merchants and working with their joint uppercase, were the spearhead of expansion in many parts of the earth. Especially in early modernistic times, governments vested them not only with trade monopolies every bit an economic ground, merely with vast quasigovernmental powers for sure areas, including fifty-fifty the correct of war and peace and last international treaties. In plow, the state expected financial contributions to the treasury. The end of the companies came with the introduction into politics of free merchandise principles, or alternatively, with defalcation. Their governmental rights reverted to the state, which in some prominent cases (British and Dutch Due east India) also implied the responsibility for extended territories. Chartered companies witnessed a brusk revival as relatively cheap instruments of expansion in the 'scramble for Africa'.

Industrialists and financiers invested in colonial enterprises that opened and adult territories for the earth market. Like the merchants, they occasionally had to plow to their government for protection, which often just meant protective tariffs. Their interests were too frequently used to justify expansion.

Settlers played an important part mainly in those regions where the climate immune European-style agriculture. Their always-growing need for more surface area under cultivation led them to expand into new territory by force. In doing then on their own, the settlers usually ignored the rights of indigenous peoples, even when those rights were guaranteed past their government. Eventually the settlers induced the same government to provide them with protection from indigenous reaction. Thus, large areas were brought nether European control (both Americas, southern and eastern Africa, Australasia).

In some regions the clergy was the musical instrument of insufficiently peaceful penetration of frontier areas (Spanish and French America, sub-Saharan Africa) by means of 'civilizing' indigenous people. Past teaching them European civilization and religion as well as the advantages of protection from their enemies past European weapons, missionaries paved the style for the eventual takeover by colonial governments. There were, however, great differences between colonial empires; some were intimately intertwined with the church (Spain), others excluded it completely from vast areas (early on British India).

Led by a variety of personal motives, adventurers, explorers, and scientists acted as the vanguard of expansion in unknown territory. Their prospects and means were every bit various as their appearances, ranging from the sixteenth-century pirate in the Caribbean area to the nineteenth-century explorer traveling alone through Central Africa. Merely their reports often made eventual expansion await promising.

European expansion would have been impossible without indigenous collaboration. In only a few cases did Europeans but conquer territory; instead, imperialism began as bargaining terms for trade or rights of settlement. Even conquest unremarkably began equally 'profitable' one ethnic party in an external or internal conflict with some other, thus subjugating the enemy and obliging the ally. The more 'collaboration regimes' had to rely on European support to stabilize their power, the more they became alienated from their subjects, which in turn made them fifty-fifty more dependent on their European allies. Finally, this fell circle could cause the breakup of a regime, thus forcing the imperialist power to take over in order to preserve its interests.

In many cases, resistance emerged but decades after the takeover, when the subjects felt colonial rule in their daily lives. Ofttimes the subjugated indigenous people take later on been accused of 'disunity', which had made conquest possible, but that is largely besides the point: for example, inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent prior to the British conquest did not consider themselves to be 'Indians' but Bengalis, Gujaratis, Marathas, and so on, and certainly they were Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. To think in terms of nationality was ordinarily the result of a combination of the feel of European rule, contact with European ideas, and social changes.

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Race and Racism in the Twenty-First Century

Yolanda T. Moses , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015

3 Hundred Years and Counting

Imperialism, slavery, and colonial exploitation in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries created enduring global linkages that were sustained through the postemancipation menses of the mid-nineteenth century and into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. At the same time when the age of exploration was taking place in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, both scientific discipline and religion colluded (sometimes consciously and sometimes non) every bit the two ascendant discourses of colonialization and the institutionalization of a permanent racial hierarchy in the Americas, Africa, and South Asia. Advocates for slavery and colonial expansion helped to institutionalize the new science of anthropology, in part to counter Abolitionists' claims based on morality and biblical tenets. As the discipline adult during the late nineteenth century, human difference was parsed along a color-coded hierarchy from vicious to civilized – from black through brown, xanthous, and red to white ( Baker, 1998; Thomas and Clark, 2006; Goodman et al., 2012). The fact that some researchers documented customs and behaviors while others measured brains and bodies did not change this hierarchy because man diversity and cultural differences were blurred and racially mapped in a manner that privileged biology as the basis for human difference, with those in power being male Europeans.

Nonetheless, other changes were afoot in the early on twentieth century equally altered relationships between the means of production and local and global consumption that too had a hand in transforming racial meanings in one case again. The rise of resistance movements such as Garveyism and Pan-Africanism in the early twentieth century showed that racialized peoples, both laborers and intellectuals, were too helping to shape notions of their own identity too as notions of where they belonged, both physically and metaphorically. While socioeconomic and political arrangements in the Us required that racialized labor forces remain fixed inside the particular (material and ideological) places to which they were transported, by the middle of the twentieth century models of product and consumption instead relied upon a massive motion of these same labor forces out of their identify, "from South to Due north in the United states of america, from colony to metropole in the British, French, Portuguese and Dutch W Indies, from state to city in southern and western Africa" (Holt, 2002: p. lxx). This move that was facilitated, in part, past the liberalization of US immigration laws in 1965, helped to generate a transnational wave of immigrants from homelands especially from the Caribbean area, Latin America, and Asia, to new lands such as the United states of america, Europe, and Canada.

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Urban Compages

Jane One thousand. Jacobs , in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography (2nd Edition), 2020

New Transnationalisms of Urban center Architecture

Imperialism relied upon international circuits of knowledge and engineering science transfer, which brought expertise from the metropolitan cadre to the colonial peripheries, and facilitated emergent colony-to-colony circuits of knowledge and technology transfer. Such circuits gave rise to novel, hybridized architectural typologies and styles. 1 such typology was that of the bungalow, which, as Anthony D. King documented, was derived from an Indian colonial hybrid but came to travel the world as the standard typology for the suburban home. Similarly, the architecture of imperial metropolitan centers oftentimes appropriated symbols and forms derived from the indigenous building traditions of their colonies. Unsurprisingly, postindependence architecture often sought to move away from such ambivalently entangled styles. Such movement is evident in the emphatically modernist visions adopted in postindependence city building projects such equally those in Chandigarh and Brasilia. In such schemes, the modernist style adopted offered a formal clarity that radically reinterpreted and fifty-fifty shed the past, thus marker the way to a new futurity. Alongside such postcolonial tendencies to purge tradition exists a range of culture-linked, regionally informed revivalisms. For example, in a number of contexts, such equally Singapore, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka, an emergent "tropical modernistic" has generated powerful, transferable statements most how to build in a fashion that is in melody with context. Such postcolonial architectural returns can, on occasions, display an unprogressive conservatism. Simply they are one of a range of efforts by citizens, planners, and architects in cities of the Global Due south to push back confronting urban models derived from the Due west. Such efforts seek to reverse the flow of norms and forms established past colonialism. Planner Ananya Roy has fifty-fifty argued that cities of the Global North can learn from the nonarchitecture and nonplan of informality constitute in the congenital form of cities of the Global South.

The currents of transnational production axiomatic in the colonial era have taken on a new calibration and intensity of integration in an era of global capital, which is represented in both the built architecture of cities and in the processes by which that architecture comes into being. Both these themes accept been of specific interest to geographers and related scholars, especially those working from a cultural economy perspective. This scholarship has included attention to the transnational circuits that supply the expert cognition, technical components, and personnel needed to produce urban architecture. Pathbreaking work by Donald McNeil charted the way in which the profession nowadays sports a number of "Starchitects," architects with an elevated global recognition, critical acclaim, and commercial attain. The rise of the starchitect, and the firms they front, has resulted in the proliferation of identifiable make buildings in many cities, what has been dubbed "iconic architecture" (Fig. 2). Iconic compages comprises buildings and spaces that are known for the name of the builder who designed them, often likewise identifiable by the formal qualities of that architect's stylistic brand and ordained (commonly by city, developer, or professional rhetoric) to have singled-out symbolic or aesthetic significance. Scholars such as Leslie Sklair and Maria Kaika argue that such buildings mark a cardinal shift in the motivational framing of symbolic expression through architecture, which was conventionally linked to more localized expressions of identity. This new historic period of architectural iconicity comprises a branding process that trades in architectural names and looks and produces an infrastructure of want that operates at a global scale. What symbolic piece of work these externally constituted architectures of significant do for the host city is an open question. Will they get icons that stand for a genuinely shared meaning supported by ritualized local practices or will they forever exist poorly integrated objects located in, but otherwise disassociated from, their host cities? The symbolic complexity of such transnational urbanisms has been well documented in the fast urbanizing cities of Asia. For example, Ren Xuefei's 2010 volume Transnational Architecture Product in Urban China charts how municipal governments and developers pursue the look and effect of "global status" through the marshalling of architectural "design intelligence" from around the world. This generates "mimetic" architectures that feed a distinctly Chinese urban aspiration but that are indifferently embedded in local urban sociality.

Figure 2. Marina Bay Sands, Singapore. This building by Moshe Safdie provides Singapore with an iconic building that is recognized globally.

 Creative Commons.

Geographical scholarship has also started to interrogate the architects and firms that produce such buildings, situating them as role of a Global Intelligence Corp. The beliefs of these architects and their firms is illuminating. Such transnational starchitects usually practise non have vast multisited offices merely, rather, well-continued firms with the capacity and track record to tender for global reach competitions and opportunities. They manage complex projects in many different localities partly because they partner with local firms who specialize in such collaborative work, and often do much of the detailed, on-the-ground work of translating "out" the local regulations and planning requirements, and translating "in" the pattern values acquired from the brand-proper noun architect. Every bit such, the influence of such starchitects depends on local corporate affiliates adjustment with the aspirations of globally oriented, city politicians and bureaucrats, supported past globalized technical professionals, and mediated by persuasive brand merchants. Ironically, the trend in cities pursuing high-profile, iconic architectural schemes that draw on a limited pool of global starchitects has resulted in a banality of expressed difference. The compages of cities effectually the world is converging around a supposedly distinctive imagineering of "brandscapes."

The symbolic noise of iconic architecture and starchitects can drown a more than ubiquitous procedure of transnational urban architectural formation. Studying firms alone is not sufficient for us to understand the transnational complexity of global city building today. Scholarship also needs to examine the more everyday comparative and mimetic processes that even highly localized firms appoint in, ranging from reading magazines with global content attain, attending the increasingly large number of world-scale urban trade fairs (such every bit Singapore's Earth Metropolis Meridian), and integrating certain off-the-shelf (global) components, with all their standardized specifications, into a highly localized design.

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